Abbey, A. (1991). Acquaintance rape and alcohol consumption on college campuses: How are they linked? Journal of American College Health, 39, 165-169.

This article explores the link between acquaintance rape and alcohol consumption among college students. Men's expectancies about alcohol, misperceptions of sexual intent, and justifications of sexual violence are reviewed. Women's abilities to send and receive cues and resist sexual assault are discussed. The article also examines stereotypes about women who drink and how women feel an increased sense of responsibility for being raped based on alcohol consumption. Implications for prevention programming and future research are presented.

Topics: Alcohol; college; male-female relations; myths/stereotypes

Abbey, A., & Harnish, R. (1995). Perception of sexual intent: The role of gender, alcohol consumption, and rape supportive attitudes. Sex Roles, 32, 297-313.

This study examined the effects of participant's gender, rape supportive attitudes, and target's alcohol consumption on participant's perceptions of target's sexual intent. Men were found to perceive female targets’ behavior as more sexual than the women perceived them to be. This was especially true of men high in rape myth acceptance. Male and female targets' alcohol consumption interacted, such that when both individuals were drinking alcohol they were perceived as being most sexual and their drinking was viewed as most appropriate. The rape myth acceptance and alcohol findings are discussed in terms of their implications for sexual assault and substance abuse prevention programming.

Topics: Alcohol; college; male-female relations; myths/stereotypes

Anderson, I., & Swainson, V. (2001). Perceived motivation for rape: Gender differences in beliefs about female and male rape. Current Research in Social Psychology, 6, 107-123.

The present study directs attention to observers’ beliefs and perceptions about male and female rape. To date, there are two explanations for rape motivation; that rape is a sexually motivated act or that rape is an act motivated by power. Data from 120 participants suggests that rape is still regarded as being a crime motivated by sex rather than power. In addition, it is suggested that most men support the view of rape as a sexually motivated act despite the belief that the feminist explanation for rape (i.e., motivated by power) was becoming more acceptable to the general population.

Topics: Male-female relations; myths/stereotypes; perpetration

Bufkin, J., & Eschholz, S. (2000). Images of sex and rape: A content analysis of popular film. Violence Against Women, 6, 1317-1344.

The authors conducted a content analysis of the 50 top-grossing films in 1996 to measure the prevalence and scope of sex and rape depictions. The authors conclude that movies tend to present a patriarchal vision of sex and rape. In the movies, rapes are committed by disturbed, sadistic, lower-class persons who prey on children and the weak. The authors contend that this unidimensional and limited picture of rape may actually help to perpetuate the real problem of rape and sexual abuse in our society in that such films ignore the reality of most real-life rapes.

Topics: Myths/stereotypes

Burt, M. R. (1980). Cultural myths and supports for rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38, 217-230.

Results from this study indicate that attitudes endorsing sex role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, and acceptance of interpersonal violence lead to greater acceptance of rape myths. Implications for understanding and changing rape supportive beliefs are discussed.

Topics: Myths/stereotypes

Burt, M. R. (1998). Rape myths. In M. E. Odem & J. Clay-Warner (Eds.), Confronting rape and sexual assault: Worlds of women, No. 3 (pp. 129-144). Wilmington, DE: SR Books/Scholarly Resources, Inc.

This chapter outlines four types of rape myths that focus on the victim: nobody was harmed, nothing happened, she wanted or liked it, and she deserved it. Myths about sexuality and rapists are also discussed. It is posited that acceptance of rape myths negate the reality of rape and lead to rape-supportive attitudes, particularly in cases of acquaintance rape. When rape is viewed as "unreal" the victims are subject to blame and disparagement and do not receive needed support. Rejecting the reality of rape makes prosecution harder and recovery more complicated.

Topics: Legal responses; myths/stereotypes

Choate, L. H. (2003). Sexual assault prevention programs for college men: An exploratory evaluation of the Men Against Violence model. Journal of College Counseling, 6, 166-176.

Several colleges and universities have offered date rape prevention programs for female students. The focus of these programs generally includes risk reduction and self-defense, among other preventative measures. Previous studies have shown that fraternities may reinforce rape myth acceptance among members; therefore, the current study implemented a date and acquaintance rape prevention program aimed to educate male college students affiliated with fraternities. The participants included 149 male fraternity members from a large, public university. Each participant attended a peer led, 1-hour program derived from the Men Against Violence (MAV) student organization program model. The issues addressed during the program were: (a) rape statistics, (b) legal definitions of rape, (c) rape myth acceptance, and (d) repercussions from drug usage in the facilitation of rape. After completing the program, the participants were asked to fill out an evaluation developed to record how the program content affected each of the men. Results of the qualitative analysis indicated that the program was informational – especially in the areas of legal definitions of rape and the harmful nature of gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB), a date rape drug. Further analysis showed that many of the men believed the most important element of the program was the dispelling of rape myth beliefs that can potentially lead to rape. Results from this study suggest a need for more rape prevention programs for college men. Important attributes of such programs should include the clarification of rape definitions and a strong focus on the elimination of rape myth acceptance beliefs.

Topics: Athletes/fraternities; myths/stereotypes; prevention

Clark III, R. D., & Hatfield, E. (1989). Gender differences in receptivity to sexual offers. Journal of Psychology and Human Sexuality, 2, 39-55.

Cultural stereotypes suggest that men are eager for sexual intercourse and women set limits. This article reviews various theories of the sexual interests of men and women as well as data that supports these theories. Two experimental tests of this hypothesis are reported here. In these experiments men and women were asked very direct questions about engaging in sexual activity with the person of the opposite sex who asked the question. The results show that men and women responded as traditionalists would expect them to. There are significant gender differences in the attitudes toward sex. Further study of the impact of AIDS on sexual roles is suggested.

Topics: Male-female relations; myths/stereotypes

Connop, V., & Petrak, J. (2004). The impact of sexual assault on heterosexual couples. Sexual & Relationship Therapy, 19, 29-38.

The impact of sexual assault upon the male partners of female sexual assault victims is an under-researched area. The purpose of this study was to examine how male partners react to their partner’s sexual assault and what happens to the couples’ interactions. Participants were recruited through a sexual assault clinic and through press advertisements. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 6 males whose previous or current partners had been sexually assaulted and with 3 females who had been sexually assaulted and had disclosed their assault to their partners. Interviews revealed that 8 of the 9 participants had a partner who had experienced acquaintance rape – or, in the case of the female participants, had been the victim of acquaintance rape. In analyzing the interviews, four themes were identified: (a) the male partner’s role in providing support, (b) communication, (c) anger and blame, and (d) the impact of the assault on the sexual relationship. Many of the male participants indicated that they felt they should put their partner’s needs first and felt exhausted by their role in supporting their partner. Men also revealed a common assumption relating to socio-cultural scripts concerning heterosexual relationships; namely, the idea that they ought to protect their women. Relationship disturbances and communication problems were also reported to have increased in the aftermath of the assault. While at times the men enunciated rape myths, they could not be categorized either as viewing the rape as a sexual act or as a violent act (as the prior research study had indicated). A final issue noted by participants was how the sexual assault increased their difficulty in performing and enjoying sexual activity. Suggested implications of the findings for service provision include the benefit of couple-based counseling and counseling to support male partners’ support needs and psychosexual issues.

Topics: Disclosure; effects; male-female relations; myths/stereotypes; survivors

Davis, K. C., Norris, J., George, W. H., Martell, J., & Heiman, J. R. (2006). Men’s likelihood of sexual aggression: The influence of alcohol, sexual arousal, and violent pornography. Aggressive Behavior, 32, 581-589. [Posted April 2007.]

Key Points: Men’s sexual arousal to a hypothetical rape story predicted their self-reported likelihood of acting like the aggressor in the scenario.  

Abstract: A total of 84 male social drinkers between 21-45 years old were randomly assigned to a group that received alcohol or a group that did not. Both groups were then asked to read one of two rape scenarios which differed by whether the victim experienced pleasure during the rape. Three factors related to sexual response were measured: alcohol intoxication; belief that intoxicated women were vulnerable to sexual coercion; and a victim’s positive sexual response to rape.

The single factor that predicted reporting likelihood of sexual aggression was a high level of sexual arousal. Intoxication and belief in drinking women’s vulnerability were not directly linked to increased aggression, although they were related to arousal. Both sober and intoxicated men reported greater arousal when the victim’s response in the scenario was positive. If any of the factors were present without increased arousal, they were not related to increased aggression.

Limits of the study included testing only two levels of intoxication (sober or drunk), self-report of arousal without physiological measures, and lack of measurement of men’s actual aggressive behavior. The study did not look at how likely men were to report the probability of aggressive sexual behavior if they were not exposed to violent pornography.

Topics: Alcohol; myths/stereotypes; perpetration

Davis, T. L., & Liddell, D. L. (2002). Getting inside the house: The effectiveness of a rape prevention program for college fraternity men. Journal of College Student Development, 43, 35-50.

Studies have shown that the prevalence of acquaintance rape and date rape is much higher than that of stranger rape. While studies on perpetrators of stranger rape have suggested psychopathology as the cause of their actions, according to sociocultural theory, perpetrators of acquaintance rape and date rape may be motivated by gender role ideology. The authors of this study investigated whether sex role socialization modifies males’ attitudes and beliefs condoning rape. A total of 90 fraternity men (between the ages of 18–23 years old), attending a large college in the Midwest, were asked to participate in this study. The participants were divided into three groups: (a) a control group, (b) a group that attended a traditional date rape prevention program, and (c) a group that attended a program aimed at identifying and addressing the gender role ideals of the participants. Each group attended one 90-minute session and was given a pretest, posttest, and a follow-up posttest. Results indicate that both of the treatment groups exhibited lower acceptance of rape myths and an increased understanding of coercion and consent; with the group that attended the traditional date rape prevention program retaining the most information about consent/coercion after six weeks. Gender role conflict was significantly associated with rape myth acceptance. Future research might investigate whether more long-term rape prevention program regimens would prove to have longer lasting effects on gender role ideals and attitudes contributing to acquaintance rape and date rape perpetration.

Topics: Athletes/fraternities; myths/stereotypes; prevention

Donovan, R., & Williams, M. (2002). Living at the intersection: The effects of racism and sexism on Black rape survivors. In C. M. West (Ed.), Violence in the lives of Black women: Battered, black, and blue (pp. 95-105). Binghamton, NY: The Haworth Press, Inc.

Research indicates that Black rape survivors are less likely to disclose and more likely to be blamed for their assault. The authors argue that two historical images of Black women, Jezebel and Matriarch, explain the reduced rate of disclosure by Black women today. A Black woman as Jezebel meant that she was promiscuous, immoral, and sexually deviant. Today, the authors propose, this depiction combines with common rape myths to prevent Black women from disclosing their rapes. A Black woman as Matriarch was based on the idea that slavery reversed the gender roles of Black men and Black women. Some Black women have embraced the Matriarch image, reconfigured it, and represented it as the Strong Black Woman persona. This reconfigured image represents self-sufficiency, independence, and obligatory service for solving the problems of Black families and the Black community. However, a “culture of dissemblance” has developed in which Black women are apparently open and strong when relating to others, while in actuality they are overburdened and resigned to a culture of silence around their inner selves, including their experiences with sexual assault. The authors conclude with suggestions for culturally sensitive therapeutic interventions for Black rape survivors. They advise service providers to encourage family and friends of survivors to take a stance that is supportive from the victim’s perspective. Service providers are also advised to understand that Black women may be slow to disclose their assaults in therapy because of oppressive images toward both Black women and Black men. Finally, service providers are urged to promote social support and activism by rape survivors. This, they suggest, enables rape to be framed as a Black community problem and disrupts the silence surrounding the issue.

Topics: Community attitudes/responses; myths/stereotypes; racial/ethnic differences

Finch, E., & Munro, V. E. (2005). Juror stereotypes and blame attribution in rape cases involving intoxicants: The findings of a pilot study. British Jounal of Criminology, 45, 25-38.

This study addresses the issue of drug-assisted rapes by presenting the results of a pilot study involving juror stereotypes and blame attributions. Foremost, the authors outline some of the difficulties in defining drug-assisted rape; particularly, the impact drugs such as Rohypnol and GHB have by inducing amnesiac effects and reducing the possibility of consent. Noteworthy is the very fact that the inability to provide consent lies at the core of what defines rape. However, the authors note also that the issue of consent is without legal specification – whether in its definition or in determining the absence or presence thereof. The pilot study involved two focus groups and a trial simulation whereby four themes influenced the participants’ decision-making process: victim’s responsibility, defendant’s intentions, the parity of the parties’ intoxication, and the victim’s response to intoxication. Participants’ attribution of blame and responsibility were impacted by misperceptions concerning the actual impact of such drugs, belief in rape myths, and consideration of the defendant’s motivation in administering intoxicants.

Topics: Legal responses; myths/stereotypes; vulnerability

Fonow, M., Richardson, L., & Wemmerus, V. A. (1992). Feminist rape education: Does it work? Gender & Society, 6, 108-121.

This article begins with an assessment of attitudes and beliefs about rape, specifically as they pertain to college students. It addresses attitudinal factors (i.e., rape myths, rape blame, gender-role conservatism, and adversarial sexual beliefs) and sexism and racism as they culturally support rape myths. The study presented in this article was designed to examine these myths as well as to examine the impact of rape-education intervention strategies on college campuses. Using fourteen classes of Sociology 101 students, the researchers divided 582 students into three treatment conditions. The first was exposed to a live rape-education workshop. The second watched a video of the workshop. The third served as the control group. Results indicated that women were more knowledgeable about rape than men, were less likely to engage in victim-blaming, and were less accepting of adversarial sexual beliefs and gender-role conservatism. Results also revealed that attitudinal changes were apparent in both men and women. In addition, these changes were impacted by a feminist approach to rape education in that students learned that rapes are more likely to take place in a familiar setting, to be perpetrated by someone familiar to the victim, and to serve as a tool of social control over the woman.

Topics: College; curriculum; myths/stereotypes; prevention

Foubert, J. D. (2000). The longitudinal effects of a rape-prevention program on fraternity men's attitudes, behavioral intent, and behavior. Journal of American College Health, 48, 158-163.

This study presents the results of 145 fraternity men from a mid-Atlantic university who were randomly selected to determine the results of a victim empathy-based rape prevention program presented by all-male sexual assault prevention peer educators. No evidence of change in sexually coercive behavior was found. Significant declines in rape myth acceptance and the likelihood of committing rape were found with program participants immediately following the intervention. At the 7-month follow-up the decrease in rape myth acceptance remained lower among program participants than within the control group.

Topics: Athletes/fraternities; curriculum; myths/stereotypes; prevention

Foubert, J. D. & Marriott, K. A. (1997). Effects of a sexual assault peer education program on men's belief in rape myths. Sex Roles, 36, 259-268.

This study looks at an all-male sexual assault peer education program that focuses on helping the survivor of sexual assault. The program of focus in this article resulted in a significant decrease in rape myth acceptance among fraternity pledges that persisted over time. The prevention program had the unexpected result of decreasing the likelihood of sexually coercive behaviors in both the experimental and control groups at posttest. The results in this study suggest that attitude changes among program participants may be long-lasting.

Topics: Athletes/fraternities; curriculum; myths/stereotypes; prevention

Foubert, J. D., & McEwen, M. K. (1998). An all-male rape prevention peer education program: Decreasing fraternity men's behavioral intent to rape. Journal of College Student Development, 39, 548-556.

The authors demonstrated that participation in an all-male rape prevention peer education program, intended to decrease fraternity men's behavioral intent to rape, led to significant post-program declines in rape myth acceptance and behavioral intent to rape among 155 fraternity men (88% White, mean age of 19.9 years, mostly sophomores and juniors). The participants were divided into either a pretested and posttested rape prevention program group, a posttested rape prevention program group, or an untreated control group. The authors assessed belief in rape myths using the Burt Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. They evaluated central route processing using a state measure. Finally, intent to rape was evaluated by means of Malamuth's (1981) study questions. Results were the same regardless of whether the subjects were pretested or not. The study supports the hypothesis that rape prevention programming is most effective in an all-male peer education format.

Topics: Athletes/fraternities; curriculum; myths/stereotypes; prevention

Gray, N. B., Palileo, G. J., & Johnson, G. D. (1993). Explaining rape victim blame: A test of attribution theory. Sociological Spectrum, 13, 377-392.

This study explored rape victim blaming attitudes among 1,177 college students by drawing upon two competing hypotheses within attribution theory; namely, “defensive attribution” and “need for control.” Students answered survey questionnaires measuring rape myths, previous sexual victimization, previous sexual aggression, risk taking behaviors, and additional questions concerning demographics and knowledge of rape prevention. The findings indicate that gender is the most significant predictor of rape victim blaming with females less likely to blame rape victims. Furthermore, risk taking and rape victim blaming were negatively associated among females whereas among males, previous sexual aggression and risk taking were more likely to be associated with victim blaming. In contrast, males with previous nonsexual victimization experience, males of higher class standing, and males who had prior exposure to rape prevention knowledge were less likely to engage in victim blaming. Foreign students and nonwhite students were most accepting of rape myths. Implications for rape prevention are proposed.

Topics: College; myths/stereotypes; racial/ethnic differences; risk

Groce, N. E., & Trasi, R. (2004). Rape of individuals with disability: AIDS and the folk belief of virgin cleansing. The Lancet, 363, 1663-1664.

The belief that a sexually transmitted disease can be cured by having sexual intercourse with a virgin is referred to as “virgin cleansing” and has been documented in various regions such as sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. This paper outlines the central issues surrounding the rape of disabled individuals as perpetrated by individuals infected with HIV. One study cited documented the virgin rape of disabled persons in 14 out of 21 countries assessed. Disabled people are particularly at risk of victimization given the specifics of their respective disability (i.e., blind, deaf, physically impaired, or intellectually disabled) as well as the challenges and barriers they face within the legal environment. For example, in the event that they do try to disclose their victimization, officials often reject their reports, assuming them to be confused. In some regions, individuals with disability are not even permitted to file a police report or to appear in court. All of these factors – in addition to the presence of a disability alone – enhances their level of risk and vulnerability to being victimized within this folk belief system.

Topics: Disabled; myths/stereotypes; risk

Hardin, M. (2002). Altering masculinities: The Spanish conquest and the evolution of the Latin American "machismo." International Journal of Sexuality & Gender Studies, 7, 1-22.

This article examines the construction of Latin American machismo. The author argues that machismo, a stereotype that emphasizes hypermasculinity, is a legacy of the Spanish Conquest, the Spanish conquistadors’ response to the indigenous two-spirit, and the conquistadors’ raping of indigenous women. Unlike in English colonialism, the Spanish Conquest was characterized by the need for slave labor and female mates. For business and progeny, therefore, sexuality was brought into the subjugation process and into the idea of machismo. Next, Spanish Catholicism also urged the repression of the conspicuously fluid sexualities and gender identities of indigenous peoples (e.g., the two-spirit or berdache social role). Notably, however, indigenous societies also evidenced sources of hypermasculinity. This is seen in the delineation between the active penetrator and passive receiver in assessing violations of male virility in homosexual activity. Next, the Spanish conquistadors contributed to the misogyny associated with machismo through the raping of indigenous women, their treatment as property, and the “traitorous” acts of la Malinche (Cortes’ translator and sex slave). Conquistadors’ actions served as a model of masculinity for indigenous males, redefining the indigenous male’s conception of masculinity to fit that of the dominating culture. Finally, the roots of machismo can also be traced from the association of class with masculinity. Since Spanish females were rare in the Americas, the mates with the greatest status were of the fairest skin. Thus, machismo’s association with characteristics such as strength, bravery, and virility may be indicative of a successful mating strategy.

Topics: Male-female relations; myths/stereotypes; racial/ethnic differences

 Heise, L., Ellsberg, M., & Gottemoeller, M. (1999). Ending violence against women. Population Reports, Series L, Number 11, 1-43.

This report provides an admirably thorough review of the various dimensions concerning violence against women across the globe. The authors begin by addressing the concept of gender-based violence, how health care providers can help, and what societal responses should entail in curbing the problem. The report discusses in detail the prevalence and ramifications of intimate partner abuse, sexual coercion, impact of violence on women’s reproductive health, threats to health and development, the role of health providers in recognizing and treating the effects of violence, and finally, an agenda for change. The report includes numerous charts presenting, for example, cross-cultural data on issues related to rates of approval of wife-beating and prevalence of forced first intercourse in various countries. The report also includes examples of posters used to educate women and increase awareness of the issues in different countries as well as several useful charts with instructions and guidelines for health care providers. This is an invaluable resource for anyone interested in understanding violence against women on a global level.

Topics: Community attitudes/responses; disclosure; effects; injury; male-female relations; marital rape; medical response; myths/stereotypes; perpetration; prevalence; prevention; racial/ethnic differences; risk; statistics; underserved populations; vulnerability

Kalra, M., Wood, E., Desmarais, S., Verberg, N., & Senn, C. Y. (1998). Exploring negative dating experiences and beliefs about rape among younger and older women. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 27, 145-153.

Most research concerning dating violence tends to focus on college-aged women. This study, instead, recruited women from retirement homes, single-parent support groups, university classes, and the community and thus included a sample of 115 women ranging in age from 18 to 85 years. Analyses split the sample into women over 40 years and women 39 and younger. Although the two groups shared similarities across dating behaviors and experiences, results showed that older women reported a higher incidence of unwanted affection and were also more likely to express a greater endorsement of rape myths than was reported or indicated by the younger women in the study.

Topics: Elderly; myths/stereotypes

Kasinsky, R. G. (1998). Tailhook and the construction of sexual harassment in the media: "Rowdy navy boys" and the women who made a difference. Violence Against Women, 4, 81-99.

This article examines how the media reported the Tailhook incident from the occurrence of the incident itself through the conclusion of military and congressional debates about its meaning 5 years later. The authors state that, although the military's cover-up of the incident was interrupted by women in the Senate, the media reports paralleled the dominant gender ideology of "boys will be boys," thereby reinforcing the view that sexual harassment is tolerable.

Topics: Harassment; military; myths/stereotypes

Kennedy, M. A., & Gorzalka, B. B. (2002). Asian and non-Asian attitudes toward rape, sexual harassment, and sexuality. Sex Roles, 46, 227-238.

North American Asians demonstrate more conservative sexual attitudes and behaviors than other ethnic groups. Research findings examining the influence of Western culture upon Asian sexual attitudes are somewhat inconsistent. Also, previous studies have failed to investigate Asians’ attitudes toward coercive sexual behaviors. The present study was designed to compare Asian and non-Asian attitudes toward both sexually coercive and noncoercive behaviors. Male and female undergraduate students (n = 205 Asian, n = 195 non-Asian) from a Canadian university volunteered to participate in the study in exchange for course credit. Participants completed a self-report questionnaire that measured attitudes toward coercive and noncoercive sexual behaviors. For attitudes on coercive sexual behaviors, 11 agree/disagree items from Burt’s Rape Myth Acceptance Scale were used, as was the 19-item Sexual Harassment Attitude Scale. All items from both scales were presented in the text of the article. The Derogatis Sexual Functioning Inventory (30-items) was used to measure attitudes on noncoercive sexual behaviors. Results indicated that Asian students held more conservative sexual attitudes than non-Asian students. Asian students were also more tolerant of sexually harassing behaviors and rape myths than non-Asian students. Regardless of ethnicity, men were more tolerant of sexual harassment and rape myths than women. Though not as strong as the previous findings, the results did indicate that the longer a student had lived in Canada, the less tolerant of rape myths and sexual harassment he/she was. Overall, these results indicate that Asian students hold more conservative attitudes on noncoercive and coercive sexual behaviors. The generalizability of these results to diverse Asian ethnicities may be limited because 92% of the study participants identified themselves as Chinese.

Topics: Harassment; myths/stereotypes; racial ethnic/differences

Kopper, B. A. (1996). Gender, gender identity, rape myth acceptance, and time of initial resistance on the perception of acquaintance rape blame and avoidability. Sex Roles, 34, 81-93.

This study investigated the role of gender, rape myth acceptance, and time of initial resistance in assigning blame to the victim, perpetrator, situation and chance following an acquaintance rape, as well as perceived degree of avoidability of the assault. Undergraduate students (N = 534) read one of two acquaintance rape scenarios. Then they completed a set of measures including the Bem Sex-Role Inventory, the revised Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, and a demographics questionnaire. Results indicated that acceptance of rape myths and the length of initial resistance determined the assignment of blame and the perception of avoidability of a sexual assault. When resistance occurred early in the encounter, men and women attributed significantly less blame to the victim and situation, attributed more blame to the perpetrator, and were less likely to believe the sexual assault could have been avoided. The hypothesis that those endorsing traditiona-148.Feminist legal critiques have shown that reports of rape are viewed as unreliable and fail to make convictions if the victim does not portray specific characteristics. The purpose of this article is to examine why most rape complaints do not result in convictions and why a few do. For example, the court recognizes the “real” rape victim as one who is virtuous (morally and sexually), cautious, unprovocative, and consistent. According to feminist theory, cases involving “real” rape victims are more likely to result in conviction. On the other hand, non-normative victims are readily blamed for their rape, as they do not conform to societal and legal expectations of women. These expectations, which include chastity, sensibility, and responsibility, are qualities which allow women to properly engage in rape risk assessment. In discrediting rape complainants, the author suggests that defense attorneys make the trial about the victim’s character and credibility. Common tactics include equating violence and resistance with consensual sex, by referencing soft pornography. Another common tactic is to maneuver around rape-shield laws by subpoenaing and presenting numerous records relevant to the victim’s private life. The goal is to use these to intimidate or humiliate the victim. Despite these tools, the author notes that the cases of some non-normative victims do result in convictions. For, despite their initial non-normative status, many aspects of the “real” rape victim do exist. These aspects, however, are located within the trial process and the courtroom discourse. The successful complainants, therefore, evidence discursive resistance and consistency within the trial process and in the courtroom discourse. These women can navigate through the attacks on their story and credibility, and they can respond quickly and directly to questions before credibility-harming silences can be created. In fact, the rape victim’s perpetual disagreement to the defense’s reconstruction of the story was found to be beneficial to her credibility. In short, the successful rape complainant demonstrates that when she is being attacked (as in a rape) she does not submit but resists. In conclusion, the author advocates that feminists must now challenge not only a criminal justice system that has historically excluded non-normative victims, but a system that presently excludes women who lack the skills and background for discursive resistance.

Topics: Legal responses; myths/stereotypes

Lacasse, A. & Mendelson, M. J. (2007). Sexual coercion among adolescents: Victims and perpetrators. Violence Against Women, 22, 424-437. [Posted April 2007.]

Key Points: In a small sample of students in Grades 8-11, sexist beliefs were associated with being a victim of sexual harassment or coercion among girls and with perpetrating sexual harassment or coercion among boys.

Abstract: Students in a suburban Quebec school were asked if other students had verbally harassed them, made non-coercive sexual contact (e.g., unwanted kissing) or attempted to obtain sexual favors using blackmail or force in the previous 3 months. They were also asked if they had perpetrated those acts on another student. The study included 37 students who reported being victimized and 21 who reported perpetrating the behavior. These groups were then compared with a matched control sample of students.

Female students who were victims (n=27) were more likely to endorse sexist attitudes than other girls; boys who were perpetrators were more likely to endorse sexist attitudes than other boys. All victims were more likely to use drugs and alcohol than controls or perpetrators. Both victims and perpetrators were involved with more deviant behaviors than controls.

Limitations of this study include: a small sample size; students were only asked about peer-related behaviors outside of romantic relationships, which may have resulted in underreporting of victimization; and the perceived severity of the experiences was not assessed.

Topics: Adolescent/high school; harassment; myths/stereotypes; perpetration

Lanier, C. A. (2001). Rape-accepting attitudes: Precursors to or consequences of forced sex. Violence Against Women, 7, 876-885. [Posted April 2007.]

Key Points: Acceptance of rape myths predicted subsequent sexual aggression among a group of middle school and high school boys.

Abstract: This study sought to answer the questions: does rape-myth acceptance precede perpetration of sexual violence, or does the perpetrator justify their actions by adopting rape-accepting attitudes?

Boys from 14 middle schools and high schools in rural North Carolina were surveyed. They were asked if they had ever forced a date to have sex or forced a date to do something sexual. They were also asked to rate their agreement with common rape myths. One year later, 851 boys completed a second survey. Those who were more accepting of rape myths initially were more likely to report perpetration. Perpetration did not result in increased acceptance of rape myths.

This study suggested that curriculum targeting rape myth-accepting attitudes accepting of rape myths may reduce forced sex by adolescent males.

Some limitations of this study include: boys may have been reluctant to self-identify as perpetrators, fearing that they could be identified; they may have indicated a lower acceptance of rape myths than they really felt; and they were not asked to define what “doing something sexual” meant to them.

Topics: Adolescent/high school; evaluation; myths/stereotypes; perpetration; prevention

Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1994). Rape myths: In review. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 18, 133-164.

Offers a theory-based definition of rape myths (RMs) and reviews and critiques the literature on RM acceptance. RMs are attitudes and generally false beliefs about rape that are widely and persistently held. Furthermore, they serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women. Acceptance of RMs has been assessed in relation to demographics, education levels, adversarial sexual beliefs, attitudes toward women, self-esteem and assertiveness, and experience of sexual aggression, in addition to other variables. Despite extensive research, the terminology, definitions, and measures of RM acceptance continue to lack adequate precision. It is argued, nevertheless, that this type of research has immense potential for the understanding of sexual assault. Such work must include the development and application of improved measures with more concern for the theoretical and methodological issues unique to this field.

Topics: Myths/stereotypes

Monto, M. A., & Hotaling, N. (2001). Predictors of rape myth acceptance among male clients of female street prostitutes. Violence Against Women, 7, 275-293.

There has been surprisingly little research conducted on male clients of female street prostitutes, despite the fact that prostitutes frequently experience violence. In this study, the authors explore "rape myth acceptance" and its predictors among 1,286 men arrested for soliciting street prostitutes in San Francisco (n = 950), Las Vegas (n = 254), and Portland, Oregon (n = 82). Rape myths were defined as attitudes believed to support sexual violence against women. Arrested clients filled out survey questionnaires prior to their participation in programs designed to discourage recidivism. Results indicate low levels of rape myth acceptance among respondents in general, although a few expressed higher levels. Regression analysis showed that the strongest predictors of rape myth acceptance were attraction to violent sexuality, sexual conservatism, and less frequent thoughts about sex.

Topics: Myths/stereotypes; underserved populations

Milhausen, R., McBride, K. & Jun, M. (2006). Evaluating a peer-led, theatrical sexual assault prevention program: How do we measure success? College Student Journal, 40, 316-328. [Posted October 2006.]

Key Points: Sexual assault prevention programs that discuss ambiguous sexual situations must clearly emphasize the differences between consensual sex and rape, or risk unintentionally reinforcing rape myths.  

Abstract: Researchers evaluated the success of a peer-led sexual assault prevention intervention. The program consists of a skit about a date that ended in a sexual encounter. The skit is followed by group discussion and education about sexual assault on campus.
Thirty-seven men and 37 women completed a pre- and post-test. Males were more likely than females to endorse rape-supportive myths both before and after. After the presentation, fewer males and females agreed with two measures of rape-myth acceptance, but both had a slight decrease in accepting that “No means stop.” This might be explained by ambiguity in the skit, and the researchers recommend making the point more clearly and strongly.

Researchers also looked for differences in results between two instruments: the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) and the Sexual Beliefs Scale (SBS). Because no difference was found pre- and post-test on the RMAS, but the SBS measured differences in 3 of 5 subscales, researchers suggest that the SBS is a more useful tool.

Limits of the study include a small and non-random sample. It is not known if attitude changes lasted over time.

Topics: College; evaluation; myths/stereotypes

Muehlenhard, C. L., Friedman, D. E., & Thomas, C. M. (1985). Is date rape justifiable? The effects of dating activity, who initiated, who paid, and men's attitudes toward women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 9, 297-309.

This article focuses on how date rape can be rated as justifiable by male undergraduate students, based on the circumstances. Two studies are presented in this article in which male undergraduate students are given various written vignettes about the date of two characters. Rape was rated as more justifiable if the couple went to his apartment, if the woman – rather than the man – initiated the date, and when the man paid for the date. The implications of these results are discussed, as are suggestions for further study.

Topics: College; male-female relations; myths/stereotypes

Muehlenhard, C., & Linton, M. (1987). Date rape and sexual aggression in dating situations: Incidence and risk factors. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 34, 186-196.

This study assessed the incidence of, and risk factor, for date rape and other forms of male-against-female sexual aggression in dating situations. Results showed that 77.6% of the women and 57.3% of the men had been involved in some form of sexual aggression. Risk factors included the man initiating the date, paying all the expenses, and driving; miscommunication about sex; heavy alcohol or drug use; "parking”; men's acceptance of traditional sex roles, interpersonal violence, adversarial attitudes about relationships, and rape myths. The length of time that dating partners had known each other seemed unrelated to the risk of sexual assault. The authors discuss implications of their findings for rape prevention programs.

Topics: Alcohol; male-female relations; myths/stereotypes; perpetration; prevalence; risk

Nagel, B., Matsuo, H., McIntyre, K. P., & Morrison, N. (2005). Attitudes toward victims of rape: Effects of gender, race, religion, and social class. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 20, 725-737.

Previous studies examining attitudes toward victims of rape have often been limited by being incorporated into larger studies, instead of focusing exclusively on attitudes, and have relied mostly on college-aged samples. This study, however, randomly sampled 1,000 residents from St. Louis, Missouri resulting in 220 respondents completing the Attitude Toward Rape Victim Scale (ARVS) along with a demographics questionnaire. Results yielded significant group differences that seem to suggest the relationship between race and socioeconomic status concerning attitudes toward rape victims is complex. Moreover, age, sex, educational level, and income were found to be significant predictors in determining attitudes toward victims. For example, females and individuals with higher levels of education were more likely to express sympathetic attitudes toward victims of rape, in contrast to the attitudes expressed by older individuals in this study.

Topics: Community attitudes/responses; myths/stereotypes; racial/ethnic differences

Rosenthal, E. H., Heesacker, M., & Neimeyer, G. J. (1995). Changing the rape-supportive attitudes of traditional and nontraditional male and female college students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 42, 171-177.

The authors sought to determine if a psycho-educational intervention proven effective with less traditional individuals could also be used to influence rape-related attitudes of individuals possessing traditional sex role attitudes. Male and female undergraduates (N = 245) were classified on the basis of their sex role traditionality and either received the intervention or served as untreated controls. Multivariate ANOVA revealed that intervention recipients were less adherent to rape myths and expressed less rape-supportive attitudes than did controls. Participants were subsequently contacted by phone in an appeal for women's safety projects. The students were unaware that the phone call was part of the experiment. On one of the phone appeal measures, experimental participants' responses were significantly less rape-supportive than were control participants' responses.

Topics: College; myths/stereotypes

Ruback, R. B., Ménard, K. S., Outlaw, M. C., & Shaffer, J. N. (1999). Normative advice to campus crime victims: Effects of gender, age, and alcohol. Violence and Victims, 14, 381-396.

This article addresses three studies that were designed to examine the impact of normative advice on reporting criminal behavior to the police as a function of crime characteristics, victim characteristics, and subject factors. The first study involved a between-subjects design wherein participants responded to a questionnaire concerning alcohol consumption, type of crime, gender of victim, and gender and age of subject. The second study used the same questionnaire as the first but described the victim as being either 18 or 21 years old. The third study examined whether the results concerning normative advice in the first two studies would be replicated when participants were asked about alternative options to calling the police, given the criminal situations addressed in the original questionnaire. Results from the three studies reveal that severity of the crime, gender of victim, and age of victim form the basis of most individuals' decisions to notify the police. In addition, the authors made the following conclusions: (1) notifying the police was considered most appropriate when the victim was a female or an older person and when the crime was more serious, (2) the relationship between the victim and the offender affects the type of advice victims will receive from others, (3) reporting was considered inappropriate when the victim was underage and had been drinking prior to the crime, (4) females viewed notifying the police more favorably than did males, (5) most subjects consider it more appropriate for females to report a crime than for males, and (6) younger subjects were less likely to advise reporting a crime than were older subjects. The article concludes by suggesting that the perceived stigma associated with reporting a crime involving underage alcohol consumption by the victim may be a significant factor contributing to the underreporting of serious crimes on college campuses.

Topics: Alcohol; disclosure; legal responses; myths/stereotypes

Santana, M., Raj, A., Decker, M., La Marche, A., & Silverman, J. (2006). Masculine gender roles associated with increased sexual risk and intimate partner violence perpetration among young adult men. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 575-585. [Posted October 2006.]

Key Points: Researchers found that men who believed in traditional male gender roles were more likely to have committed intimate partner violence within the past year than men with less traditional beliefs.

Abstract: A group of 283 men, aged 18-35, were recruited at a community health center in Boston. The men were mostly Hispanic (74.9%) and Black (21.9%), and 55% were not born in the continental US. In the previous year, 40% reported committing one or more types of intimate partner violence (IPV): sexual violence (28.3%); physical violence (27.6%); and violence causing injury and/or need for medical services (13.8%). Men who had traditional male gender role beliefs were more likely to have committed intimate partner violence (IPV) within the past year and to have unprotected vaginal sex with a primary partner than men with less traditional beliefs. However, traditional beliefs were not associated with having multiple female partners, forcing unprotected sex, or engaging in unprotected anal sex. Levels of violence were the same regardless of race/ethnicity, country of origin, or acculturation. Only a low level of education (not having a high school diploma or GED) was associated with having traditional beliefs and with committing higher rates of IPV.

The results do not imply a cause-and-effect relationship between IPV and traditional beliefs. However, interventions to reduce IPV and sexual risk among young men may be more successful if they promote less traditional gender role beliefs.

Topics: Male-female relations; myths/stereotypes; perpetration

Schwartz, M. D., & Leggett, M. S. (1999). Bad dates or emotional trauma? The aftermath of campus sexual assault. Violence Against Women, 5, 251-271.

Critics of campus rape research have suggested that researchers exaggerate their figures by confounding rape with bad dates. While researchers have compared stranger to acquaintance rapes, they have not compared women raped while too drunk to resist to those raped by force. This study of 65 rape victims (in a sample of 388 college seniors) found no evidence for critics' claims. Women raped while intoxicated are not less emotionally affected and do not blame themselves more. Most women did not classify their experiences as rape, although under criminal law they were all victims. The authors assert that this lack of recognition is what causes hidden victims (i.e., those who do not report rapes or seek help for their victimization experience).

Topics: Alcohol; college; myths/stereotypes

Shultz, S. K., Scherman, A., & Marshall, L. J. (2000). Evaluation of university-based date rape prevention program: Effect on attitudes and behavior related to rape. Journal of College Student Development, 41, 193-201.

This study evaluates the effectiveness of the Campus Rape Prevention program in changing rape-related attitudes and behaviors of 60 male and female undergraduate students (18–22 years old). Participants in the treatment groups were less accepting of rape myths than those in the control groups, suggesting that treatment is better than no treatment. Results suggest that changes observed between treatment and control groups were the result of the prevention program rather than pretests. It was not possible to dismiss the existence of a relationship between rape-related attitudes and behaviors. The results of this study offer support that male participants' attitudes in support of rape decreased following the prevention program.

Topics: College; evaluation; myth/stereotypes; prevention

White, A. M., Strube, M. J., & Fisher, S. (1998). A black feminist model of rape myth acceptance: Implications for research and anti-rape advocacy in black communities. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 22, 157-175.

A Black feminist model of rape myth acceptance was used to investigate rape myths using Roush's (1985) feminist identity model and Cross' (1991) racial identity model. A group of African American anti-rape activists were compared to a group of nonactivists. As predicted, those who were activists rejected rape myths. The early stages of both models were associated with rape myth acceptance and the later stages were associated with rape myth rejection. Those in the later stages also expressed an active commitment to social change and embraced more humanistic perspectives. The findings of the research suggest that there is a relationship between social systems such as racism and sexism that give rise to various attitudes and beliefs.

Topics: Myths/stereotypes

Updated 08/01/07